Saturday, February 3, 2018

#33 picking cucumbers, polygamous grocery shopping, stress and low incomes, Gilbert & Sullivan and political views, the Super Bowl




Good morning.


I just love stumbling across this kind of stuff.  German and Spanish researchers with the Fraunhofer Institute for Production Systems and Design Technology IPK are devising a way to automate picking cucumbers.  It seems that the cost of manual labor to harvest German cucumbers is driving cucumber farming to India and elsewhere (because of the high cost of labor).  The idea is to create a robot that do the work, thus reducing the cost and keeping cucumbers growing in Germany. 

There are a number of technical problems to overcome to make the robots worth developing.  It has to identify ripe cucumbers, pick them without damaging them or the plant, store them while picking, and must pick more than 13 cucumbers per minute (the rate that humans can do so). 

High success rate It is a considerable challenge to design autonomous systems capable of optical and tactile sensing, assessing and evaluating. The challenge is only compounded by cucumber harvesting: a robot must identify green objects camouflaged by green surroundings.

The robot is in development and being tested.  Perhaps Mr. Trump would like to lend U.S. support to the effort.  He could then claim he was reducing illegal immigration of farm workers by automating the work.  I'm sure he would personally contribute to the development of the robot, thus making it one of the greatest inventions in history.

* * *

Washington University researchers, reporting in the Journal of Retailing, tell me that "most shoppers—a whopping 83 percent—regularly visit between four and nine chain stores within a year to purchase groceries."  They inform us, in "Polygamous Store Loyalties: An Empirical Investigation," that "a consumer could be loyal to store A in category one while at the same time be loyal to store B in category two.  We name this consumer behavior polygamous store loyalties."  A study in one metro area, it covered a period of over a year and 14 retail grocery chains.  Even though only one city, I'd bet it's generalizable; American metro areas can't be that different in their grocery-buying habits.

Apparently these results were somewhat of a shock to grocery retailers; there has long been an assumption in the industry that customers are loyal to a store or chain.  Of 1,321 families in the study, only 12—the number 12, not 12%—shopped at a single store.  About 51% went to five to seven stores, and 86—the number 86—went to 10 or more stores.  People buy different stuff at different stores.

Two findings were of interest to me.

--  Family size predicted store loyalty—larger families tended toward Fry's or a Walmart Supercenter.  (Ugh.)
--  Income was a somewhat surprising predictor, in that households with higher incomes were more likely to "budget shop" at a Costco.  The need for a large house with a large basement in which to store bulk products could explain this.  (I have sometimes wondered about this.  We do not have a large house with a large basement but we do shop at Costco; what we euphemistically refer to as the "pantry" in the basement always seems to have enough paper products to last a decade.)

            Kathy and I fit neatly into the data.  We shop at six different grocery retailers, although three of the ones we go to aren't in the "chain" category:  Seward Coop, Longfellow Market (a neighborhood independent grocer), and Von Hansen meats.  As the study concludes, we shop different places for different categories of goods. 

I wonder how the study results would have been affected had they included the smaller retailers.  They might have learned that people shop at even more places than they found.

* * *

"People walk around with this idea in their head that if you work hard, play by the rules, you can get ahead," [Gary] Evans said. "And that's just a myth. It's just not true."  His work was published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

Professor of environmental and developmental psychology at Cornell, Evans found that "childhood poverty can cause significant psychological damage in adulthood."  It almost seems like this would be one of those "well, duh" findings, but it isn't; it's a novel finding in social science research.  It's already known that growing up poor leads to physical problems in adulthood; what Evans found is that "Impoverished children in the study had more antisocial conduct such as aggression and bullying, and increased feeling of helplessness, than kids from middle-income backgrounds. . . .  Poor kids also have more chronic physiological stress and more deficits in short-term spatial memory." So, "if you're born poor, you're on a trajectory to have more of these kinds of psychological problems."

The cause is stress.  Low-income families have greater stress than more affluent ones.  The children are exposed to it and there's a cumulative risk factor.  What's also important is that many of these kids stay in poverty; according to the numbers, "there's a 40 percent chance that a son's income will be the same as his father's income."

Evans drew two conclusions from his work.  "First, early intervention to prevent these problems is more efficient and more likely to work.  'If you don't intervene early, it's going to be really difficult and is going to cost a lot to intervene later.'"  This seems to be a widely-accepted view and has been debated frequently in the Minnesota legislature (mostly a debate over funding). 

The second conclusion is one that is not likely to receive widespread public support in the U.S. at this juncture.  "Increasing poor families' incomes is the most efficient way to reduce a child's exposure to poverty and, in turn, their risk of developing psychological problems."  He believes the social safety net, like supplemental income for the elderly and disabled, should be extended to poor families.  It requires a change of attitude, "instead of blaming the person who is poor and -- even more preposterous -- blaming their children," he said.

            It will be interesting to watch the experience of Finland, providing a guaranteed basic income to 2000 citizens (as an experiment).  The expectation is that doing so will decrease social costs, both administrative and in employment (those receiving the income will be able to look for jobs without risking the income).   The results could provide ammunition for an argument for social security for poor children, except that the American public would probably never support it.

            Harvard University Press released a book last March, Basic Income:  A Radical Proposal for a Free Society and a Sane Economy, that was reviewed in the (England) Times Higher Education.  Written by a political scientist at the Université Saint-Louis - Bruxelles and Louvain University and an economist at Université catholique de Louvain who's also affiliated with Harvard and Oxford.

            I'm only drawing from the book review, not the book, but as presented, the authors maintain that the arguments in favor of a basic guaranteed income have been growing in recent years.  Why adopt one?  "It has become clear to a still small (but growing) group of people that with so many of us no longer able to earn a subsistence income from the land, and with growing automation and ecological limits to sensible consumption, social progress without a basic income cannot be sustainable."  It will not come about in one big step, but rather as a series of changes to benefits programs.  In the U.S., that means perhaps sometime after 2020. 

            There would be a decline in GDP as measured, but production and entrepreneurship would increase in households.  The argument is that a basic income would go a long way to reduce poverty and inequality.  The authors suggest about $31 per day (at the time the book was written), which would be nothing for the wealthy but for many it would mean freedom to choose paid work they wished to do rather than work they had to do.  It would also provide a bare minimum in food and lodging.

The strongest argument against a basic income is that work is good for you and any discouragement from taking any paid work is morally objectionable.  A weaker form of this argument is that it is not fair that people should be able to choose not to undertake paid work.  However, for centuries we have tolerated many of the very rich not working.

I wonder how many of the very rich don't work.  Those in public life certainly work hard, as do even those who are the subject of much joking (e.g., Paris Hilton, Kim Kardashian).  If their premise about people doing paid work they want to do rather than what's available is correct, would not a basic income drive up wages for jobs that people in general probably don't want to do (e.g., fast-food server, garbage collector, custodian)?  Because people would rather subsist on a basic income than do work we all find unattractive?  It might not be a bad thing for people doing crummy jobs to be able to make more money.

The advantage of the rich is that they may "work," but what they work at is what they find fun—whether it be oil painting, investing in the markets, writing books, running an inherited family business, whatever.  They aren't engaged in activities that most of us don't like.

            The proposal for a basic income is related to a theme about which I rant at predictable regularity.  I make the assumption that intelligence—however measured—is distributed normally in the population.  That is, under a bell curve, ~68% of us are between an IQ of 85 and 115 (about half of us are between 90 and 110).  (For the statistics-oriented, one standard deviation is 15 points; one SD from the mean includes 68.27% of the population.)  Most people within that range, assuming no major disabilities, can probably function reasonably well in society.  That leaves ~32% on either end, either markedly smarter or markedly less smart.  Assuming the 32% is split evenly, the 16% whose intelligence is on the higher end will almost invariably do well.  The 16% who fall on the lower end of the spectrum will not and are the ones about whom public policy assumptions are made that I suspect are just wrong.  (Census Bureau figures suggest there were about 250 million adults in the U.S. in 2016, where adult is defined as 18 or more years of age.  If 16% of that population is only barely capable of working, that's about 40 million people.  Low-wage/often hard labor jobs, no health care, little luxury. . . .)

            (Let me emphasize, again, that IQ is only a rough proxy for intelligence and that I am aware that IQ tests are biased against certain groups in society.  I could call it LX, not IQ and not related to IQ tests, and my comments would remain the same.)

            The people who make political decisions are, with a few exceptions, pretty smart people.  They are surrounded by other smart people—staff, lobbyists, journalists, and so on.  I have the sense, from reading the news, that there is often an implicit assumption that everyone out in society is just as smart—or just about as smart—as they are.  (Or maybe they understand the point, but nobody wants to say so out loud.)  So if those people aren't working or getting an education, they must be lazy.  What we tend to forget is that there is a group in society—any society—whose abilities or intelligence or competence, call it what you will, are significantly below average, people who can't benefit much from advanced education and people who aren't going to qualify for any of the professions or jobs that require a high level of talent or training of some kind. 

            It is for that group that I would be the strongest advocate for a basic guaranteed income—and I'd be happy to have my taxes pay for it.  If one believes, as I do, that a just and humane society will take care of those unable to take care of themselves, then social provision of a basic income for those who can only hold the most menial of jobs is an ethical mandate.  Rather than assume all these people "on welfare" are a bunch of lazy slobs, let's recognize that many of them cannot do the jobs of all the people with whom we regularly interact socially and professionally.  Many, in fact, may only barely be able to function in a fast-moving, highly technological society; if they can have jobs suitable to their abilities and still have a decent income (and, thereby, lifestyle), I'm all in favor of providing that income.  If they can be treated with respect and kindness in their jobs that many of us would wish not to take, they can be just as successful as the wealthiest among us.  So ends my sermon.

            I should note that the question of whether "intelligence" is distributed "normally" in the population is contested, although mainstream researchers in psychology believe it to be.  It's also not clear that those outside the middle 68% are divided evenly between the high and low end of the scale.  It should also be noted that those with a measured IQ of less than 70 typically have difficulty with basic life functions, such as dressing, eating, and communicating.  One would like to think that individuals in that category are being take care of by the appropriate social service agencies in concert with families.  (I know, that's not always true, depending on location in the U.S.)  For my purposes here, it's really the people who fall in the 70-85 or 90 range that are at great disadvantage in society.

* * *

            Two of my friends were quick to cite Gilbert and Sullivan in response to the report on one reason why people may be conservative or liberal.

  When all night long a chap remains
       On sentry-go, to chase monotony
  He exercises of his brains,
       That is, assuming that he's got any.
  Though never nurtured in the lap
       Of luxury, yet I admonish you,
  I am an intellectual chap,
       And think of things that would astonish you.
            I often think it's comical—Fal, lal, la!
            How Nature always does contrive—Fal, lal, la!
                 That every boy and every gal
                      That's born into the world alive
                 Is either a little Liberal
                      Or else a little Conservative!
                                     Fal, lal, la!

(Iolanthe, Act II)

            One of those friends, a retired faculty member, in response to my telling him that Kathy and I attend the annual performances of the local Gilbert & Sullivan Very Light Opera Company, reported that

My last year teaching, I quoted in passing one of the operettas during a lecture, and then stopped to ask for a show of hands:  "How many of you have ever heard of Gilbert & Sullivan?"  Perhaps they were all embarrassed about bad manicures, but no hand was raised.  It is the end of the world.

May you and your friends enjoy many more annual G&S evenings before the apocalypse.

            The other friend who cited G&S also commented, surely correctly, that "I do think that upbringing has quite a bit to do with it, although it can also lead to rebelliousness, when children rebel against their parents' beliefs and go in the opposite direction!"  As I wrote earlier, it's true that in general, the politically liberal have politically liberal children and ditto for politically conservative parents.  I doubt political views are genetic.

* * *

            Morrill Hall is the central administration building of the University of Minnesota.  It never would have crossed my mind that with the Super Bowl in Minneapolis, the NFL would reserve conference rooms in Morrill Hall for their meetings.  Kathy tells me, however, that that's what they did yesterday.

Gary



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