Monday, October 16, 2017

#15 moving to a condo?, marital cheating, algebra or statistics, a memorial, my artistic talent, friends versus family in older folks, algorithms for health, artificial intelligence and decision-making





Kathy and I have begun to debate the merits of moving into a condo when she retires.  We have both been averse to the idea whenever we've thought about our next housing option, but as we talk about leaving for 2-3 months in the winter, and traveling at other times during the year (including perhaps renting a lake place for a period in the summer), the ability simply to walk out and close the door has its attractions (we would have to have no pets and no plants, alas, and we wouldn't be able to garden).  Finding someone to take care of, or stay in, a house or townhouse while we were gone would be a challenge every year.  So we're rethinking whether we could live in a condo.  We know that millions of people do so happily.  I'm not sure we would.

I'd be interested to hear opinions from those who have confronted this decision—or are thinking about it.

Of course, our decision to move is somewhat contingent on the U.S. economy and the housing market.  If the market heads south, and we could get significantly less for our house than we want, we might end up staying put for longer than we plan.  Apart from the market, the biggest challenge is finding a townhouse (especially a one-floor townhouse) that's not located 20 miles out of the city.  A condo would probably be easier to find, although in either case one that has the space we want at a price we want to afford is the question.

* * *

            From the University of Utah: 

Older Americans are cheating on their spouses more than their younger counterparts, with 20 percent of married Americans over age 55 reporting they've engaged in extramarital sex.  Just 14 percent of those under age 55 say they've cheated.

            Maybe the younger folks just haven't been married long enough to catch up.

* * *

"In real life, I assure you, there is no such thing as algebra."  -- Fran Lebowitz

In her humorous vein, I think she's correct.  Which is why I have argued, with no success, that the University of Minnesota should require statistics, not algebra, for admission.  (Statistics is admissible for meeting the University's graduation requirement in "mathematical thinking.")  But for admission, a student must have four years of math of some kind, including "two years of algebra, one of which must be intermediate or advanced algebra, and one year of geometry."  Further, the website explains that "examples of 4th year math include calculus (preferred), pre-calculus, analysis, integrated math 4."

I'm not sure what "analysis" or "integrated math 4" is, but I suspect they're not statistics.  I am most certainly not sure why the institution would "prefer" calculus.  One could expand Lebowitz's wisecrack to include calculus, in my opinion. 

An interjection:  I'm using the University of Minnesota to register my complaint, but I'm pretty sure its requirements do not differ much from those of the vast majority of other major research universities.

 Fields that need algebra and calculus—the physical sciences and engineering, for example—can of course require it.  But for all students, a course or two in statistics would be infinitely more useful in life, such as enabling the intelligent, critical, and skeptical reading of graphs, poll results, and the multitude of other bits of data that are thrown at us daily.  Elliott had to take senior-level statistics when he was a Psychology major at the University (before he transferred to Moorhead to get his degree in Art), and he has said repeatedly since that it was probably the most useful course he ever took.  (He also had to take the research methods course, which is equally useful in looking at the world, but I wouldn't go so far as to require that for every undergraduate.  A couple of solid statistics courses could cover research methods.)

The evening before we departed for California in late June, I drove Elliott to what we are assuming was his last undergraduate college work, the last exam in an online math class he had to take to meet Moorhead State's distribution requirements.  He could have folded it into coursework in an earlier semester when he was on campus, but he appealed the requirement late in his college career.  The denial of the appeal meant he had to take a course after he had already returned to Minneapolis.  The appeal—which I think should have succeeded—was based on the statistics and research methods courses he'd taken in Psychology, which were far more advanced, rigorous, illuminating, and educative than the goofy freshman-level math class he had to take.

In any case, he was glad to be done with all math classes forever (he thinks and hopes) and with college (at least for now).

Mid-year I read a blog by a community college dean asking his followers to comment on a proposal in California to permit students in fields outside of engineering, math, etc., to take statistics rather than algebra to meet graduation requirements.  One of the problems with algebra is that it is a major barrier to graduation; it's probably the course that causes the most student attrition.  (As I noted, this isn't a problem at Minnesota, where statistics does count toward graduation requirements.)

One argument against substituting statistics for algebra is that it could be seen as "watering down" degree requirements.  I think that's just balderdash.  A rigorous statistics course is just as challenging as an algebra course—but the content is more understandable for many people (including me). 

Another argument is that students need to be exposed to algebra so they can decide whether they want to go into any of the STEM fields (most of all which use algebra).  It seems to me there are other and better ways to let students learn about STEM fields without first subjecting them to algebra.  If they're interested, I would think they'd then have more motivation to learn algebra.

The most persuasive argument against the proposal, at the community college level, is that most 4-year institutions require algebra to graduate.  My point is that the 4-year institutions should change!

The final argument I've been able to find is that one needs algebra to understand statistics.  That isn't a claim that receives universal assent.  Moreover, the modest algebra required for statistics could be picked up in the first few sessions of the statistics course.  But I've taken more statistics courses than I care to remember and I don't remember that I had to know algebra to understand statistics.

            One can turn Elliott's and my "usefulness" argument around:  if usefulness is a criterion, why do we require the study of history or literature?  One of the commenters on the blog post made an observation about that question. 

The question then is what is the purpose of the broad requirements, whether Numeracy or Humanities or whatever?  Seems the "logical" answer has to be something like enriching the way that students view and think about the world, with the different areas offering different perspectives.  If the purpose of a math requirement, then, is to demonstrate how mathematics helps us to conceptualize the world, I'm not sure that algebra would win out over calculus or statistics. . . .  So the issue should not be whether statistics is easier than algebra which is easier than calculus which is easier than . . . , but whether the ultimate purpose of the requirement is met by statistics whatever that purpose might be.

            As one professor—who acknowledged he's a statistics prof—put it, "it's stupid that thousands of students are taking algebra as their 'last' math class. . . .    They don't get high enough in the sequence to get to the interesting stuff, the word problems are all horrible at that level, and it's mostly computation and memorization, which they then dump.  Statistics is a vastly better course and will teach them things they can use in daily life or in just about any career."

* * *

            One sad event this year was going to a visitation for a faculty member in Veterinary Medicine, Bob Morrison.  I didn't know Bob through the University; Kathy and I knew Bob and his wife Jeanie because we traveled in the same group to India, when we got to know them reasonably well.  We had dinner with them later, and talked with them at post-India-trip gatherings of the tour group.  Bob was an internationally-renowned swine researcher, and he and Jeanie were at a conference in Prague.  The 6-passenger vehicle they were in was hit; three of the six people were killed; Bob was one of them, but Jeanie survived, although with serious injuries.

            All of us who had toured with Bob and Jeanie were shocked.  Kathy and I went to the visitation to talk to Jeanie, and were dumbfounded at the number of people there.  We had to stand in line for an hour and 15 minutes in order to have about 30 seconds of conversation with her.  It was over 90 degrees that July day, and the line extended outside the church; inside, it wound around several rooms in feeble air conditioning.  There were more people at that visitation than I have known my entire life, I think.  That may be a little hyperbolic—but not by a lot. 

            In any case, Jeanie seemed surprised and pleased that we'd come.  She looked remarkably good for having lost her husband, gone through several surgeries, and been in the hospital for an extended period, first in Europe and then here.  We agreed we would get together for dinner once her life settled down a little more.

* * *

A Facebook post from me after we returned from the West Coast.

I have approximately 1% the artistic talent of either Kathy or Elliott.  That may be an exaggeration.  Today I tested the limits of my talent:  I varnished rocks.  We picked up pockets full of colored rocks at Agate Beach in CA on our trip.  Bright when wet, the rocks turn dull when dry.  The Google says I can put varnish on them to restore the color (and since it's on the web, it must be correct, right?).  We've also had rocks we've collected in various places over the years in our flower boxes; I scoured those off and varnished them as well.  There's my contribution to artistic endeavor.  Beyond mineral oil on the seashells.

* * *

            One of the items that appeared in Futurity (the daily report of findings from major research universities) last summer had this headline:  "Friends beat family for aging well."  Before either of us read the precis, Kathy and I talked about what that might mean.  My first-blush reaction was that the claim was counterintuitive—that people, as they age, get closer to children or siblings or someone in their family.  As we talked about it, however, we realized that for daily life, friends are likely more important to older adults than most of the relatives are:  the kids and siblings have their own lives and only occasional contact with a parent.  What has more of an impact is those with whom one spends the rest of the time, the non-family time.

            The research looked at survey data from nearly 280,000 people:  271K from 100 different countries and, separately, from about 7500 older American adults, about relationships, strain, and chronic illness.  In the first, "both family and friend relationships were linked to better health and happiness overall, but only friendships became a stronger predictor of health and happiness at advanced ages."  In the second, if friends caused strain, people were more ill; if they were supportive, people were happier.

            Friendships are optional; relatives are not, author Professor William Chopik pointed out.  While family relationships can be a source of support, they can also be negative or boring.  Friends are people we've chosen to stay connected with; those we don't tend to drop away over the years.  Friends also help when someone has few or no close relatives or who don't rely on family members for support.  "Keeping a few really good friends around can make a world of difference for our health and well-being.  So it’s smart to invest in the friendships that make you happiest."

Chopik noted that relationship research hasn't focused much on friendships.  That may be a mistake, "especially considering that they might be more influential for our happiness and health than other relationships.  'Friendships help us stave off loneliness but are often harder to maintain across the lifespan.  If a friendship has survived the test of time, you know it must be a good one—a person you turn to for help and advice often and a person you wanted in your life.'"

            Kathy's and my hypothesized reasons why the research might show what it does didn't turn up in the summary.  I bet we're not wrong.  As we looked at our own parents, my father when a widower and Kathy's mom now (alive and well), in both cases it was/is friends who were important to their daily life, not their kids.  It isn't that I didn't love my dad, or see him on occasion; he didn't need my care and attention because he had his own life to live.  The same is true for Kathy and her mom.  I suppose you could argue that they have their friendship circles because their kids ignore them, but that misplaces the chronology:  the friendship circles typically existed before the older age.

* * *

            Another study, this one out of Stanford, wasn't the least bit surprising to me.  Also from Futurity, "Algorithm beats experts at diagnosing heart rhythm."  Here's a paragraph from my annual letter last year:

I was reminded by a news article of a book by Paul Meehl, Clinical vs. Statistical Prediction: A Theoretical Analysis and a Review of the Evidence, published in 1954.  Meehl, who was a Regents Professor of Psychology, Law, and Philosophy, and one of the developers of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), argued in the book that in the field of psychotherapy, statistical models almost always yield better predictions and diagnoses than the judgment of trained professionals.  His contention has been supported by reams of additional research in subsequent decades—and has also been expanded to other fields, including cancer patient longevity, cardiac disease, likelihood of new business success, evaluation of credit risks, suitability of foster parents, odds of recidivism, winners of football games, and future prices of wine.  He really called into question the value of expert diagnosis, a question that remains open today.

            The Stanford researchers found that some heart monitors collect rhythm data that can be analyzed by an algorithm for dangerous arrhythmias—and it does at least as good a job as cardiologists, sometimes better.  Some arrhythmias are difficult to detect, and there are very similar arrhythmias, some of which require immediate attention and some of which require none.  The algorithm can detect the differences between them.

            The evidence continues to accumulate.  Go see your local artificial intelligence doctor, not your live physician.  (I'm half joking.  But only half; within a few years, I suspect AI is going to be doing a lot of diagnosing—and better than your internist.)

            (An unrelated story about Meehl.  I had him for a seminar in the mid-1970s when I was a graduate student in psychology.  The seminar was on clinical psychology and diagnosing patients.  Meehl took aim at those who argued that mental illness is a social construct; he announced, in no uncertain terms, something along the line of "I've spent a lot of time dealing with patients in mental hospitals and you can't tell me they aren't crazy.")

* * *

            In that same vein, the Wall Street Journal had an article mid-summer reporting that the folks who create artificial intelligence (AI) sometimes don't know what the machines are "thinking."  (I will put quotation marks around that word when applied to machines because no one has demonstrated that the work of circuits is anything like the functioning of neurons in the human brain.)  AI is used now in sentencing and bank loan decisions; it may be incorporated into self-driving cars to judge who should have "the best chance to live" when an accident is unavoidable.  ("Career of the Future: Robot Psychologist Scientists Go Inside Minds of Machines.")

            There is a variety of AI based on "neural networks," "systems that 'learn' as humans do through training, turning experience into networks of simulated neurons."  What results is an assemblage of millions or billions of artificial neurons (rather than code written by a programmer), "which explains why those who create modern AIs can be befuddled as to how they solve tasks."  When that's the case, and we don't know how it works, then all sorts of problems can arise.  How does it decide who should live in an impending accident?  Will it make decisions based on race or sex or age?  Will those biases in the machine only become known when it has made many decisions?

            As the reporter noted, you can't ask the machine how it makes its decisions.  "Artificial intelligences can excel at narrow tasks, but even those that talk have introspective powers about on par with a cockroach."  The reporter did explain how this unpredictability can come to be.  If an artificial neural network is shown many images of a cat, it is eventually able to reliably identify cats.  "The tricky bit is that neural networks learn by altering their own innards. This is basically how your brain works, too.  And like the connections between the 86 billion or so neurons in your brain, the precise way an AI 'thinks' is incomprehensible."

            So the work goes on to understand how AI works—once they've gotten it working!  One approach is to use the same cognitive tests that psychologists use with children; apparently doing so allows understanding of how AI thinks.  The step after that is persuading it to change its mind; "because engineers typically create many versions of an AI when trying to discover the best one, the use of cognitive psychology could give engineers more power to choose the ones that 'think' the way we want them to."  On the other hand, maybe we don't want it to think like humans because it may discover something new.

            The outcome, potentially, is better decision-making in a variety of fields, "with fewer mistakes and more accountability, because their output is measurable and we might be able to trace exactly how they make decisions.
We ask humans to do this all the time—in a court of law, when dissecting a business decision—but humans are notoriously unreliable narrators."  Presumably, any bias that crept in could be eliminated.

            I wonder if Paul Meehl saw the application of AI to decision-making as a logical outcome of his conclusion about statistical versus clinical decisions.  My bet is that he would.  "Clinical" is nothing more than a human deciding; "statistical" can stand as a metaphor for a computer (AI).

Thursday, October 12, 2017

#14 Reflections on high school; high school popularity and later life




            A travelogue from Barcelona-Avignon-Paris will come by and by.  We are in our Paris apartment now; Kathy's having foot problems, so we're keeping it quiet for part of the day today. 

            A few of you have seen this and probably don't want to read it again.  Inasmuch as it consists of a backward look at my high school experiences, many of you might not want to read it.  Whatever.  The second piece is more general.

* * *

There are volumes and volumes of sociological research on American high schools, of which I have read precisely none.  What follows is a reflection on the circumstances of my high school in a particular geographic location at a particular time, uninformed by any research on schools.

Some of the southwestern part of Minneapolis has Minnehaha Creek running through it on a winding east-west path.  My high school, Washburn, sits just north of the creek by a couple of blocks.  The reach of its student body (in the day when the schools drew almost exclusively from the surrounding neighborhoods) included (1) large homes (mostly built before WWII and some before WWI) around or near one of the city lakes (Lake Harriet) and a stretch north of the creek as well as (2) homes that were more modest, primarily post-WWII, and south of the creek.  (This is not a sharp line of demarcation; some of the homes immediately south of the creek were more similar to those north of it than to those farther south.  As with urban development in many cities, there's a hodgepodge of houses both north and south of the creek, but I think my generalization is largely correct.  There is also an area farther north of the school that is also characterized by more modest dwellings, in some cases more modest than those south of the creek.  My focus here, however, is on those in the two areas I have described.) 

When I was at Washburn (1966-69, grades 10-12), it was still a silk-stocking school:  many of the students came from well-heeled backgrounds, from families that resided in the large homes around the east and south side of Lake Harriet and along/north of the creek.  Many others came from the more modest homes south of the creek, and the families by and large had correspondingly more modest incomes.  The latter group, however, was by no means "poor," and in fact was by relative measures affluent, but just not as affluent as those north of the creek.  Washburn, along with Southwest High School, had long been the school for the well-to-do in Minneapolis if the parents didn't send their children to private schools.

            I grew up south of the creek; my elementary and junior high schools were close to our home and, naturally, my friends from grades K-9 came from that area.  When we went to Washburn, we encountered an entirely new group of people who came from a different socio-economic-educational background:  parents who were far more likely to be college-educated and in professional careers, more socially "elite" (I'll leave that term undefined), and who made considerably more money than my family and those of my K-9 circle of friends.  I became friends with some of the kids from that group (and remain friends with a couple of them to this day).  It was clear to me even then, however, that there was a status (I'll leave that term undefined as well) difference between my new high school friends and my friends from earlier grades.

            What happened over my high school years, I realized on reflection a number of years later, is that I gravitated toward the higher-status group and away from my friends from earlier school years.  I can't say I was ever fully a part of the new group; socio-economic class distinctions, even as finely graded as those were—this was a bunch of upper/middle class white kids whose family incomes were different but none of whom were even faintly deprived—are not ever completely erased.  But I did spend much of my time with the new group and far less with the others.  I have reflected from time to time on this evolution and concluded that it was to some extent social climbing and to some extent aspirational:  I wanted to be in an affluent professional class and have friends who were similarly situated.  My parents' friends (even though my father was a college graduate and in a professional career) and my friends' parents—almost all extremely nice people—came predominantly from blue-collar occupations (butcher, carpenter, printer, plumber, electrician).  I liked them but I knew early on that their jobs were not ones that I wanted.

            I met one of the lake/north-of-the-creek group our first quarter in high school, someone with whom I remain good friends.  (I reminded him last fall that we had now known each other for 50 years.  That makes me older than I like but I'm just glad I'm alive to say it.)  It was this friend who brought me into that social circle by including me in events; looking back, I'm not sure why, but he did (I suppose, obviously, because he liked me as a friend).  A couple of other guys from that group also became friends (but, for whatever reason, only one of the girls, whom I dated briefly in college and with whom I also stay in touch).  While I was somewhat close friends with those three or four, I think it was nonetheless true that for the larger group I remained an outsider.  Not disliked, not unwelcome, just not integral.  Had that one friend not begun including me, however, my involvement with that social circle likely never would have happened.

            There is one incident that stands out in my mind that typifies my perception; there were any number of others, but this one I recall vividly.  A group of us (me plus some from the lake/north of the creek area) went to one of the kid's homes after an event.  The girl whose home we went to called her dad about us being there; he adamantly refused to let us stay without one of her parents in the house, so we had to leave.  I recall, however, being impressed by the large entry foyer, the prevalence of dark polished wood everywhere, the broad staircase leading to the second floor, the apparently expensive furnishings and decoration, and the spacious living and dining rooms off the right and left of the foyer.  This was not a house like any of my pre-Washburn friends lived in, but it wasn't out of the ordinary for neighborhood it was in.  (The girl whose house at which this took place confirmed that it was indeed her house, accurately described.)

            At our 45-year class reunion, I was talking with two people (one of whom I had known very well in high school and college, although we drifted apart after that, for no particular reason, and one of whom I had barely known in high school—and still didn't).  My once-upon-a-time friend came from south of the creek, a family of modest means, and the other one from north of the creek (a well-to-do family).  I asked them if they had been aware of this north/south distinction that I had observed; the one from south of the creek immediately nodded his understanding while the one from the affluent family north of the creek said she had no idea what I was talking about.

            I must acknowledge that there's an alternative explanation that may account for some of the difficulty those of us from south of the creek had in joining the lake/north-of-the-creek social circles.  Ramsey Junior High School sits on the same city superblock as Washburn; the two are divided by the Washburn football field and bleachers.  A huge percentage of Ramsey students moved to Washburn, friendships and social circles intact.  That group included the students who came from the lake/north-of-the-creek area.  Only about half of the students from my junior high school, Anthony, came to Washburn, so a number of those junior high school social circles were disrupted.  It may be that those of us from Anthony were not able easily to join the established social circles (and pecking order) that had transferred mostly intact from Ramsey.

            It may also be true that this distinction between students from south of the creek and the lake/north of the creek is a figment of my imagination.  My friend's instant recognition of it, however, suggests the perception is not uniquely mine.  It is possible, however, that by and large those from the lake/north-of-the-creek area did not perceive the distinction, perhaps partly because they had their established (affluent) social circles and weren't paying much attention to other people.  It is also possible that many from south of the creek didn't notice the distinction, either, for the same reason—they had social circles that had survived the transition to Washburn—or they noticed but didn't care.

It would be an omission worthy of criticism were I not to include an assessment of my personal characteristics (or my perception of them, anyway), which certainly could have affected my reception by new groups of classmates.  I don't think I was in the "egghead" category, or whatever it was, and I surely wasn't in the "popular" category.  Like the majority of students, I was just there, neither outstanding or attractive in any particular fashion nor particularly repellant or different, neither reclusive nor outgoing, certainly not "hail fellow well met."  As I look back on myself, I think "bland" might be one appropriate term, and thus it is perhaps less surprising that people did not immediately jump to welcome me as a new friend.  I don't think that anyone in my professional career or my current circle of friends would use that term.

            By the time we were all off to college (at that time something like 90+% of Washburn graduates went to college), my path parted even more from my friends from my youngest years—but never completely.  As is true for everyone who goes to college, I made entirely new friends.  In my experience it is the college and graduate/professional school friends as well as those made during one's career who tend to remain lifelong friends, as opposed to friends from K-12 school years.

            So where do things stand after 50 years?  Of the lake/north-of-the-creek circle, I remain good friends with two of the guys (and, as I mentioned, with one of the girls).  Two other guys vanished from my life shortly after college (one of them vanished from the life of everyone who'd been at Washburn, as far as any of us can tell).  Inasmuch as I never developed any solid friendships with the rest of them, they faded away the same way that many of one's high school classmates do.  At class reunions, I have conversations with many; to whatever extent my characterization of the distinctions between groups of students is accurate, it has mostly disappeared (although, naturally, people who knew each other well in high school still tend to congregate even if they only see each other at the reunions).

All of the foregoing being said, I never lost touch with the friends who'd been close in elementary and junior high school, but I didn't see them more than once every 5-6 years.

            Until recently.  I've been glad in the last year or so to resume a more frequent friendship with a couple of my friends from my youngest days.  I'm glad they did not, at some point, say or think "to hell with him" because of the distance I let grow between us.  It's been rewarding to renew and refresh the relationships.  We are all fairly recently retired, from professional careers, so even though we were south-of-the-creek guys, we went into the professions, not the trades.  We came of age, and in a high school, where the children of white middle-class parents were going to college—even if their parents hadn't.  So as we wander towards our senescence, we find we have much in common.

            So what's my overall take on my high school experience five decades later?  I'm ambivalent.  Socially it was a confusing time for me, somewhat remote from my friends from elementary and junior high school but never more than a hanger-on (at best) of the aspirational group I encountered at Washburn.  Academically, it was extraordinarily rewarding:  we had a crackerjack philosophy teacher, I think my history teachers are responsible for my life-long avocational reading in history, I enjoyed the social science classes, and I'll grudgingly concede that I learned Shakespeare and some literature from my Washburn teachers.  Math and the sciences?  Not so much, foreshadowing a lifelong lack of interest in the fields (except, in recent decades, as an avid lay reader of advances in the sciences).  I don't have any truly bad recollections of high school, just some that were frustrating.  To the extent that I "blossomed," it was in college and thereafter, perhaps evidenced by the fact that with only one short interruption I remained at the University of Minnesota for 46 years as a student and staff member and achieved, some faculty and administrators have told me, minor "iconic" status for the work I did.  I can settle for that.

One thing I want to be careful about is implying that the more affluent classmates looked "down" on those of us from homes that were less affluent than some north of the creek; I don't believe that at all.  My point was that the difference existed, some were indifferent to it, some didn't notice it, and some just didn't pay attention because they already had a social group coming out of Ramsey.

[I don't touch on the issue of race in this reflection because there were very few students of color at Washburn in the late 1960s.  Of our graduating class of ~750, perhaps 20-30 were non-white (I haven't counted the pictures in the yearbook; maybe it was more—but if so, not a lot).  I can recall encountering only one or two non-white students in elementary and junior high school (and they were Asian-Americans); the neighborhoods, and thus the schools, were almost entirely white.  I'm not claiming race and school segregation wasn't an issue in Minneapolis schools, only that it isn't germane to the points I wish to make here.]

            A note on terminology.  I have used the terms "guys" and "girls" in the preceding narrative.  It seemed to me just wrong to use "men" and "women" in this context; I don't believe we thought of ourselves as "men" and "women" at the time except in a purely biological sense.  I also tried out using "boys" and "girls," but that didn't fit, either.  I came to realize that at least in my mind, using "guys" and "girls" together implies teenagers or very young adults, whereas using "boys" and "girls" together implies little kids.  (And using "guys" and "gals" together in a text would imply adults.)  This nuance may be entirely my imagination, but that's my story and I'm sticking to it.  I consulted with my long-time faculty friend in English to whom I turn whenever I have questions like this; he told me, apropos of guys and gals and boys and girls, that "the distinctions are real but unfortunately not fixed, and the context will often imply the right application."  My interpretation of his comment is that I can use the terms as I have within the narrow context of a high school setting.  My use of "girls" in this part of the letter obviously should not be construed as demeaning females/women.  See my note about Christine Grant.

* * *

            I suppose I shouldn't be surprised that when I write a few paragraphs on a subject, I notice over the following few weeks or months that an article appears in the scholarly or popular press that's directly related to what I wrote.  It happened with high school popularity.

            Mitch Prinstein, a University of North Carolina distinguished-chair psychology professor, has published a book on popularity cleverly titled Popular.  (He also teaches enormously popular courses on the subject).  Popularity, so the thinking goes, was something we left behind when we departed high school for college and careers and became grown-ups.  Prinstein (reviewed in the Atlantic) says that's not the case.  "'In a very real manner . . . our experiences with popularity are always occupying our minds.'  He adds:  'We never really left high school at all.'"  He also wrote that "our high school selves are 'deeply embedded in our souls forever.'"  Given my perception of my high school self, this proposition makes me shudder.

            In Prinstein's view, there are two bases for popularity:  status and likeability (about one-third of those with high status are also likeable).  Status popularity is high school stuff we can all recall; it may provoke admiration but not necessarily liking.  Likeability is just that—related "to charm, to friendliness, to inquisitiveness—it’s the charisma that draws other people to you, largely independent of status or beauty or any of the other metrics that generally give people rank in American culture."

            Moreover, for neurological reasons related to the enormous growth of the human brain around the time of puberty (and, so, the time of middle/high school), "newfound brain capacity collides with newfound self-consciousness.  The adolescent brain is primed both to take in the world around it more than ever before, and to process that information with more self-awareness than ever before.  Which is another way of saying that teenagers are particularly cognizant of identity."  High school, so the research suggests, is "a powder keg, emotionally, and popularity—or, more specifically, teens’ conception of popularity—is a fuse."

Prinstein also makes a strong case for everlasting adolescence:  He cites study after study . . . all suggesting the ways that popularity imprints itself on people’s lives, far beyond the teenage years, through both its presence and its absence.  Popularity affects people’s ability to find success in their careers, regardless of their intelligence or their work ethic.  It affects their ability to find fulfilling friendships and romantic relationships.

            I don't have the means to conduct an analysis of my high school class of 750, but my impression from communicating with many of my classmates suggests that the most popular people in high school are not necessarily the ones who have been most successful in life (defining "success" in some general fashion).  I have some trouble buying into all this.

            What is probably unarguable is that popularity (defined as social connections) is linked to health and lifespan.  There's ample research demonstrating that the larger the network of friends, the longer the life, and the higher the quality of the relationships, the greater the link between them and longevity.  The converse was also true, not surprisingly:  those with fewest social connections had the higher mortality rates ("being unpopular . . . increased subjects' chances of death—more strongly, in fact, than did obesity, physical inactivity, or binge-drinking.  (The only factor that seemed to be comparably hazardous to subjects' longevity?  Smoking.)")  Lack of popularity "has also been one of the most consistent risk factors for depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and even criminal behavior."

So, the theory goes,

even forty years later, we can predict who will graduate from high school or college, who will succeed at work, who will apply for welfare/social services, and who may suffer from debilitating mental health difficulties or addictions all by knowing how popular folks were in high school.  What may be most surprising, however, is that our popularity plays a role that cannot be accounted for by our socioeconomic status, IQ, family background, prior mental health difficulties, or our appearance.  There’s something about the way we are regarded by others that changes our life trajectories quite meaningfully and substantially.

Our biases grow out of our high school experiences and popularity.  We are suspicious or trusting, we assume friendliness or conflict.  In Prinstein's words, "Our adult brains began to form to help us survive in the hallways of high school. The problem is, we left high school long ago—and our brains never got the memo."

            I find this depressing, if it's true. 

Most Read